
##4001353 To put Singer 's ( 1992 ) work on relative deprivation and responses to preferential treatment in context , studies from a procedural justice perspective are reviewed . That review suggests that the psychological dynamics of preferential treatment are well accounted for by concepts derived from theories of procedural justice . It is thus argued that , to be parsimonious , Singer 's work is best conceptualized in procedural justice rather than relative deprivation terms . <p> What theoretical approaches have provided us with some understanding of the social psychological dynamics of preferential treatment ? According to Singer ( 1992 ) , " . . . neither distributive nor procedural justice ! theories have been applied to fairness issues involving personnel selection or preferential hiring ( p. 130 ) . But Singer has apparently ignored that theories of procedural justice have been used to conceptualize the psychological dynamics of preferential treatment . Indeed , the evidence from studies guided by procedural justice theory is so strong that such studies constitute a standard by which new theoretical approaches to the issue should be gauged . PROCEDURAL JUSTICE AND THE @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of preferential treatment from a procedural justice perspective have been varied and , in the main , were undertaken in response to studies rooted in a pure distributive justice perspective . Working from equity theory , Austin , Friedman , Martz , Hooe &; Ball ( 1977 ) had claimed to show that , when individuals were led to believe that they had been selected for a position because of their gender , they evaluated their own selection as unfair . The notion was that , if an individual was selected because of his or her gender , that would mean that the individual 's outcomes ( i.e. , getting the position ) would not be commensurate with her or his inputs ( i.e. , their technical qualifications ) . In view of their findings , Austin et al . concluded that " the procedure of affirmative sexual discrimination renders situations unfair even when normal standards of distributive justice are satisfied : ( p. 292 ) . <p> Nacoste ( 1985 ) took exception to the conclusions drawn by Austin et al . He argued that , since those researchers had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ treatment , it was premature to claim that they had shown that the " procedure of affirmative sexual discrimination " is viewed as unfair by recipients of the gender-based favorable treatment . Working from the then relatively new procedural justice literature , Nacoste argued that one could differentiate between classes of preferential selection procedures . Specifically , he argued that a procedure of preferential treatment could be designed to give an absolute advantage to members of a certain group ( e.g. , women ) , while another procedure could be designed to give some weight to membership in that group while still giving significant weight to technical qualifications . The former procedure would ignore " equity inputs " ( e.g. , completion of high school ) , whereas the latter procedure would give those " equity inputs " significant weight without ignoring group membership . As Nacoste put it , " the distinction between the two is at least analogous to the distinction ( made in the procedural justice literature ) between an equity and a legalistic procedure " ( p. 228 ) . Given this procedural justice connection , Nacoste @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " would be perceived as fairer by beneficiaries of preferential treatment and cause those beneficiaries to have more positive emotional responses to being selected . Using a manipulation of procedure that was true to that conceptualization , Nacoste provided strong empirical support for his hypothesis . Even with individual qualifications varied , selection procedure had independent effects on the perceived fairness of the process and outcome as well as beneficiaries ' affective responses . <p> Following that work , a number of other studies were conducted . Nacoste &; Lehman ( 1987 ) showed that the level of evaluation apprehension that might be experienced by beneficiaries of preferential treatment varied with type of selection procedure . A selection procedure that did not give weight to equity inputs ( i.e. , a nonequity procedure ) as compared to one that did ( i.e. , an equity procedure ) increased the level of evaluation apprehension experienced by beneficiaries . When a nonequity procedure was used , beneficiaries expected that relevant others would not evaluate their work objectively and positively . <p> Working from both the research on procedural justice and interdependence theory ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) addressed a question raised first by Touhey ( 1974 ) and secondly by Heilman &; Herlihy ( 1984 ) . The question : What are the conditions under which preferential treatment might negatively affect beneficiaries ' interest in an occupation or an organizational position ? Taking an approach different from any other proposed , Nacoste argued that individuals use procedures as a basis or cue for inferring an organization 's " disposition toward fairness . " He argued further that those inferences are important because they would influence the extent to which an individual would be attracted to formal association with the organization . Using the same manipulation as employed by Nacoste ( 1985 ) , this study found that , ( 1 ) based on the selection procedure used , beneficiaries do indeed make inferences about an organization 's disposition toward fairness , and that ( 2 ) the most important predictors of beneficiaries ' attraction to an organization are those procedure-based inferences ( Nacoste , 1987a ) . <p> These studies ( Nacoste , 1985 ; 1987a ; Nacoste &; Lehman , 1987 ) focus on the role @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and they include concrete manipulations of procedures . But that is not much of a limitation , since it has been shown that beneficiaries ' prior evaluations of the fairness of the procedures of preferential treatment affect beneficiaries ' self-evaluations of ability when their selection by preferential treatment is made salient ( Nacoste , 1989 ) . Finally , as an aside , it is worth noting that some of this work has been replicated directly and extended to racial target groups ( e.g. , Arthur , Doverspike , &; Fuentes , 1992 ) and that , because of this work , the relevance of procedures in preferential treatment is being acknowledged generally ( Ayres , 1992 ; Tougas &; Beaton , 1992 ) . <p> We should be aware , of course , that the foregoing studies of the relationship between procedural justice and reactions to preferential treatment focused on the responses of potential beneficiaries . That fact notwithstanding , there is at least one published study that focused on the role of procedural justice in the responses of nonbeneficiaries . In the context of voting behavior , Nacoste ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also affected by the type of procedure used in making personnel selections . He argued that reactions to Walter Mondale 's selection of Geraldine Ferraro as his running mate in a U.S. presidential election would be affected by an individual 's prior beliefs about , and evaluations of , affirmative action procedures . Procedures dictated by policies of preferential treatment would be relevant , Nacoste thought , because so much attention had been focused on " why " Ferraro was selected : was it her qualifications or her gender ? Following and extending the conceptualization of procedures developed by Nacoste ( 1985 ) , this study ( Nacoste , 1987b ) measured ( 1 ) college students , beliefs about how much weight was generally put on technical qualifications vs. group membership ( e.g. , gender , race ) in an afffirmative action procedure ( average procedure ) and ( 2 ) college students ' tolerance for the use of group membership as a selection criterion in an affirmative action procedure ( unacceptable procedure ) . Controlling for a variety of factors important to voting behavior ( for example , political @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to vote , discrepancies between the Average-procedure and the Unacceptable-procedure were strong predictors of tendencies to vote for the Mondale/Ferraro ticket . A respondent became less inclined to so vote in response to Mondale 's selection of Ferraro when the respondent thought that the Average-procedure gave the same or more weight to group membership , which the respondent evaluated as unacceptable . As importantly , those voting inclinations were a strong predictor of the final pattern of voting by study participants in the 1984 presidential election . PARSIMONY IN PSYCHOLOGICAL POLICY ANALYSIS <p> Clearly , the evidence is that the reactions of both beneficiaries of preferential treatment and others are affected by procedural justice considerations . Thus , there is no basis for Singer 's ( 1992 ) assertion that no work has been done on the relationship between procedural justice and psychological responses to preferential treatment . In fact , the ability to use procedural justice as an approach to the responses of both beneficiaries and nonbeneficiaries suggests that a procedural justice approach has the potential to be comprehensive . <p> But what makes procedures so powerful in this context @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ approach for work that follows in this domain ? In an important theoretical advance , Barnes Nacoste ( 1990 ) has argued that , like other procedures , procedures of preferential treatment or affirmative action are responded to " as a function of the degree to which evaluation criteria are structured within a selection procedure to give ' voice ' to each individual 's claims to deservingness of an outcome " ( p. 182 ) . The theory behind this claim is that : <p> Affirmative action selection procedures will be made up of two general sets of criteria : traditional qualifications and group membership , or universalistic and particularistic criteria , respectively . Universalistic criteria are criteria that are thought to be achieved and performance-related ( e.g. , experience ) . . . In procedural justice terms , these are " voice-related " criteria because consideration of these criteria gives voice to each person 's claims to achieved and lto performance-related deservingness of the outcome ( e.g. , a promotion ) . Particularistic criteria are not thought to be performance-related ( e.g. , ethnicity ) . . . Particularistic criteria @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is not relevant to achieved , performance-related deservingness . <p> According to Barnes Nacoste , any combined use of these criteria will constitute a procedure of preferential treatment . Moreover , <p> To the extent that universalistic criteria are given the most weight , beneficiaries and nonbeneficiaries will perceive the policy to be fair because such a weighting structure gives " voice " to each person 's performance-related claims to deservingness . However , where particularistic criteria are given the most weight , the policy will be perceived to be unfair because a selection procedure so structured " silences " the performance-related " voice " associated with each individual 's credentials ( pp. 182-183 ) . <p> This theoretical approach is obviously supported by the research reviewed . As already indicated , in the Nacoste program of research , universalistic- ( or equity-based ) procedures were perceived as fairer than particularistic- ( or nonequity-based ) procedures . But what support is there for this " voice " interpretation ? From very early on in the procedural justice literature ( Thibaut &; Walker , 1978 ) , it has been shown in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them to present individualized claims to an outcome ( for a recent overview see , Lind &; Tyler , 1988 ) . That is seen most clearly in the higher preference that individuals generally express for procedures that give them process control -- i.e. , control over the arrangement and presentation of their claims . When individuals have such process control or " voice , " not only do they perceive the procedure as fairer and are more satisfied with the procedure , but they also evaluate those acting in their behalf and the decision maker as more competent ( Thibaut &; Walker , 1975 ; pp. 67-80 ) . Aside from the effects on perceived fairness of process and outcome that we have seen for different procedures of preferential treatment , further evidence supportive of the voice interpretation comes from procedural effects on perceived competence of decision makers . In Nacoste 's 1985 study , subjects who thought that the selection committee had used a universalistic-procedure were more likely to believe that the committee was competent in carrying out its duties . Apparently , similar to that for other procedures @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which gives significant weight to voice-related decision criteria is taken as an indication of competent decision making . <p> Given the existence of what appears to be a comprehensive theoretical approach in the form of procedural justice , the value of new contributions to this literature must be evaluated in light of that approach . We should ask , is the new contribution distinct from the dominant framework ? If it is not distinct , is the new contribution consistent with the dominant framework ? <p> Although couched in terms provided by theories of relative deprivation , Singer 's ( 1992 ) work is not operationally distinct from the work done on the influence of procedural judgments on reactions to preferential treatment . Singer has essentially manipulated procedure at the level of the weight given to decision criteria . Rather than manipulate the overall structure of the procedure , indicating what decision criteria are supposed to be used and in what weighting arrangement , Singer manipulates and tests the effects of the actual decision criteria used . In a selection for training context , that is accomplished by providing information about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gender group membership . The trainability score is obviously the universalistic decision criterion and group membership the particularistic decision criterion . Singer 's results also follow what would be expected from the procedural justice approach to reactions to preferential treatment ; to the extent that the particularistic criterion appears to be given more weight than the universalistic criterion , the final decision is evaluated as less fair by those disadvantaged and advantaged by this positive weighting of group membership . <p> On the one hand , then , there is no reason to consider Singer 's work as other than another demonstration of the role of procedural justice in responses to preferential treatment . To accept the relative deprivation interpretation Singer offers is simply not parsimonious . Specifically , the latter would require us to violate in our inductive logic , the " requirement of total evidence . " Putting it directly , before accepting any new conceptual interpretation , " the total evidence available must be taken as basis for determining the degree of confirmation " ( Carnap , 1952 , pg . 211 ) . In this case , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ empirical relations already developed from a procedural justice conceptualization . <p> On the other hand , Singer has made a contribution by providing a very important confirmation of one implication of the procedural justice approach to the psychology of preferential treatment . In two conceptual statements by Barnes Nacoste ( 1990,1992 ) , it is strongly implied that there should be a linear relationship between the weight given to universalistic relative to particularistic decision criteria . Whereas some empirical suppoti for this theoretical expectation has emerged ( e.g. , Nacoste , 1985 ) , that support has been indirect . So Singer has taken the critical step of demonstrating in full the expected linear relationship between procedural stntcture and psychological responses to preferential treatment . <p> 
##4001355 On the basis of both previous and recent research on intercultural perceptions ( Lee &; Ottati , 1993 ; Triandis &; Vassiliou , 1967 ) , it is hypothesized that perceived group homogeneity would be intimately related to familial loyalty ( or commitment ) and stability . A cross-cultural questionnaire study was conducted both in the People 's Republic of China ( n=182 ) and in the United States of America ( n=182 ) . The results revealed that both Chinese and American subjects perceived a collectivistic society to have more familial commitment and stability while they perceived an individualistic society to have less familial commitment and stability . The implications for this study have been discussed . <p> As the divorce rate in the United States rose surprisingly from the 1950s to 1980s , the issue of marriage and the family seems increasingly important to research . Ostensibly , marriage and the family have an effect on the quality of life . Because of this , much work has been done on love and intimacy ( e.g. , Clark &; Reiss , 1988 ; Fromm , 1956 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( see O'Leary &; Smith , 1991 ) . However , little attention has been paid to cross-cultural research on why one culture ( such as the United States ) has a higher divorce rate than another , and on whether culturally different people would have a different degree of their family commitment and stability . <p> Many social scientists have argued that socio-cultural context has much impact on familial loyalty and marriage stability ( see Bellah , Madsen , Sullivan , Swidler &; Tipton , 1985 ; Dion &; Dion , 1988 ; Triandis , 1990 ; Yang , 1986 ; Yee , 1989 ) . Some research has even suggested an influence of culture and religion on familial responsibility and stability ( e.g. , Brodbar-Nemzer , 1986 ; Cherlin &; Celebuski , 1983 ; D'Antonio et al. , 1982 ; Hsu , 1983 ) . For instance , Brodbar-Nemzer ( 1986 ) has found a relationship between divorce and group commitment . That is , American Jews who had a greater group commitment on a variety of Jewish variables ( e.g. , denomination , ritual observance , synagogue attendance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were consistently less likely to have been divorced . <p> Although the study by Brodbar-Nemzer indicated that Jewish culture and religion had an influence on American Jewish familial loyalty and marriage stability , would non-Jewish Americans agree that , because of Jewish culture and religion , Jews are more committed and loyal to their families than non-Jewish people ? Unfortunately , his research did not address this question . The current study attempts to test whether there would be a perceptual agreement between culturally different subjects as far as familial loyalty and marriages stability are concerned . <p> In social sciences , it has often been argued that Chinese culture is collectivistic while American culture is individualistic ( e.g. , Fairbank , 1987 ; Hsu , 1983 ) . Consistent with this position , Triandis and his colleagues ( Triandis , 1990 ; Triandis , McCusker &; Hui , 1990 ) have found that in individualistic cultures , people put much emphasis on values and interests that serve the self by making the self feel good , be distinguished , and be independent . These people more likely tend to use @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ On the other hand , in collectivistic cultures , people stress values and interests that serve the ingroup by subordinating personal goals for the sake of preserving ingroup integrity , interdependence of members , and harmonious relationships , and the self is usually defined in ingroup terms ( also see Triandis et al. , 1988 ) . <p> Furthermore , Triandis , McCusker and Hui ( 1990 ) pointed out that one of the distinctions between collectivistic and individualistic cultures was that people in a collectivistic society tended perceived ingroup members to be homogeneous while people in an individualistic society tended to perceive the ingroup to be heterogeneous . In their cross-cultural research , Lee and Ottati ( 1993 ) have also found that both Chinese and Americans perceived Chinese people to be homogeneous and perceived Americans to be heterogeneous . Triandis ( 1990 ) also reported similar results among Chinese mainland residents and American Illinois residents . <p> If people emphasize " homogeneity " or collectivity socially , it may suggest that the loyalty to or harmoniousness with an ingroup ( e.g. , family , work group or community ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ goals or interest over society or group ( e.g. , family , work group or community ) , it means that the self/individuality and personal pleasure are important . <p> Research by Buss and 50 other cross-cultural psychologists all over the world ( Buss et al. , 1990 ) also showed that people from collectivistic cultures such as China , India and Iran valued " chastity " and " good house keeping " in selecting matches , whereas people from individualistic cultures such as France , America and Spain stressed " personal pleasure " and " exciting personality . " When love and marriage are primarily seen as psychological satisfaction in individualistic cultures , they may fail to fulfill their social function of providing people with stable , committed relationships that tie them into the larger and more homogeneous society/entity . For example , it was reported that Americans got much " happier " with their marriage relationship in the 1970s and 1980s than in the 1950s , but the rate of divorce has increased ( Bellah et al. , 1985 , p. 85 ) . <p> Moreover , according to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Services , the divorce rate per 1,000 population remained 4.7 in 1990 , and between 1970 and 1990 the proportion tripled from 47 divorced persons per 1,000 married persons ( with spouse present ) to 142 per 1,000 ( Wright , 1992 ) . Dion and Dion ( 1988 ) explained that Americans ' high rate of divorce was possibly due to the culture 's exaggerated sense of individualism in society or due to much emphasis on one 's individuality and independence from their group ( e.g. , family ) . <p> Seligman ( 1991 ) also pointed that much individualism and the waxing of the self in the United States coincided with a diminished sense of community and loss of higher purposes ( e.g. , less family stability ) . Similarly , Bellah et al . ( 1985 ) stated , " The meaning of one 's life for most Americans is to become one 's own person , almost give birth to oneself , " and much of this process involves breaking free from their families , communities and inherited ideas ( p. 82 ) . <p> On the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their families as shameful and/or at least as negative ( Hsu , 1953 , 1963 ) . They derive the meaning of the self from their relationship to others and perceive themselves to be similar to or at least part of a group/family ( Tu , 1985 ; also see Yee , 1989 ) . Therefore , on the basis of the foregoing discussion , it is reasonable to assume that perceived group homogeneity would be positively correlated with familial loyalty and stability . METHOD Subjects <p> The sample consisted of 182 subjects in the People 's Republic of China ( PRC ) and 182 subjects in the United States of America ( USA ) . Within the Chinese sample , there were 162 students and 20 teachers . This included 20 subjects from the Changsha Railway Institute ( Southern China ) , 75 from Hunan Normal University ( Southern China ) , 49 from Beijing Normal University ( Northern China ) , 17 from the Beijing Management College ( Northern China ) , and 21 Mainland Chinese students from elsewhere . The sample encompassed a variety of academic majors or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Management , Mathematics , Chemistry , Physics , and Engineering . The average age of the Chinese sample was 27.2 . There were 104 male subjects and 78 female subjects . A total of 26 subjects got married while the rest of them were single . The Mainland Chinese subjects received the questionnaire from their academic instructors . <p> The American data were collected from 182 American college students . These subjects were approached in class and received the questionnaire from a research assistant . As with the Chinese sample , the American sample encompassed a variety of academic majors . These included Psychology , Sociology , Biology , Chemistry , and Engineering . There were only 6 subjects who got married . Eighty four of the American subjects were male and 98 were female . The average age of the American sample was 21.2 . Measures <p> The questionnaire items included measures of perceived group homogeneity and perceived family commitment and stability . The measure of perceived group homogeneity was also used in the study of Lee and Ottati ( 1993 ) . In measuring both perceived group homogeneity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the items along a five-point ordinal scale ranging from " strongly agree " ( 1 ) to " strongly disagree " ( 5 ) . <p> Perceived Group Homogeneity . After subjecting the homogeneity items to tests for accuracy and reliability ( see accuracy and reliability results below ) , the pool of items was reduced to 12 measures as the independent variable . Specifically , these perceived homogeneity items were extracted from a cross-cultural questionnaire through a factor analysis ( see Lee &; Ottati , 1993 ) . In order to assess perceived group homogeneity , the following items were administered : PREFORMATTED TABLE <p> Thus each subject responded to a total of twelve **25;684;TOOLONG items . Translated versions of these twelve items were administered to the Chinese sample . <p> Perceived Familial Loyalty/Commitment . The dependent variable in this study was family commitment . A factor analysis of these family commitment items revealed that the following items loaded strongly on the first factor for both the Chinese and American sample . These items were used to assess the perception of Sino-American family commitment and stability . PREFORMATTED TABLE @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the American target culture were administered to both Chinese and American groups . Thus each subject responded to a total of six family commitment and stability items . The Chinese sample was given translated versions of these six items . RESULTS <p> All items were scored such that higher numbers reflect greater perceived group homogeneity , and greater familial loyalty/commitment and stability . Sums of the appropriate items were also computed in order to arrive at indices of total group homogeneity and total familial loyalty and stability . Accuracy and Reliability of Measures <p> Accuracy of Translation . The English version of the questionnaire was translated into a Chinese version by the author of this article . The author is a native of Mainland China who has known English for over 12 years and has resided in the United States for the past six years . In order to check the accuracy and consistency of the English and Chinese versions , both versions were administered to 22 Chinese bilinguals who had studied English for an average of 10.4 years . The bilingual judges rated the translation for each item as very @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , or very inaccurate . On the basis of their ratings , 72% of the judges rated these items as " very accurate " or " accurate " ; 20% rated these items as " hard to be evaluated " ; and only 8% rated these items as " inaccurate " overall . Because the author understands Sino-American emics ( i.e. , culture-specific aspects ) and etics ( i.e. , culture-common aspects ) , the results of this evaluation method should be as valid as the outcome of back translation or multiple translation procedures ( Brislin , 1986 , 1993 ) . <p> Homogeneity Scale . In order to assess the internal consistency of the homogeneity scale , an alpha coefficient ( Cronbach , 1951 ) was computed for the American and Chinese samples separately . The alpha for the American sample was .73 and the alpha for the Chinese sample was .71 . In sum , the homogeneity scale satisfied fairly stringent criteria with regard to both accuracy and internal consistency . <p> Familial Loyalty/Stability Scale . The item set , which taps a familial loyalty and stability measure , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Chinese ( alpha=.69 ) and American sample ( alpha=.58 ) . Basic Sino-American Findings <p> The results from the Chinese sample indicated a significant correlation between perceived Chinese homogeneity and Chinese familial loyalty and stability ( r = +.20 , p < .01 ) and a significant correlation between perceived American homogeneity and American familial loyalty and stability ( r = +.30 , p < .001 ) . In the American sample , there was only a significant correlation between perceived Chinese homogeneity and Chinese familial loyalty and stability ( r = +.17 , p < .05 ) , and the relationship between American homogeneity and American familial loyalty and stability was very weakly correlated ( r = +.07 , ns ) but not significant . <p> Moreover , Chinese subjects scored higher in Chinese familial loyalty and stability ( M = 9.31 ) than in American familial loyalty and stability ( M = 2.97 ) , t ( 181 ) = 28.67 , p < .0001 . In a similar vein , American subjects reported that Chinese had more familial loyalty and stability ( M = 8.74 ) than Americans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ = 11.89 , p < .001 ( see Table 1 ) . This supported the hypothesis . <p> As noted previously , the Chinese culture , which was collectivistic , was different from the American culture , which was individualistic . This cultural difference was reflected in the results both in the Chinese and in the American sample -- i.e. , strong evidence of the close relationship between perceived homogeneity and familial loyalty and stability . DISCUSSION <p> Based on the previous data , this study revealed that perceived group homogeneity was correlated with the judgments of familial loyalty/commitment and stability , and that both Chinese and American subjects reported that , the more homogeneous a culture was perceived to be , the greater perceived familial loyalty and stability it might have . In other words , the results both from the Chinese and from the American sample showed that Chinese families were seen as more stable and Chinese people were seen as more loyal to their families than American counterparts . <p> The current results may be due to different cultural ideologies . For example , according to Bellah and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Americans believe the individual has a primary reality where a group or society is a second order , a derived or artificial construct ( p. 334 ) . On the other hand , there is a totally different ideology of family commitment and marriage stability in Chinese culture . To many Chinese , a group ( e.g. , family , clan , or community ) is always a part of his selfhood and is a place where he or she always stays ( Tu , 1985 ) . For example , a Chinese may think family commitment and marriage stability are more important than his or her personal interest or pleasure . This ideology is possibly based on Chinese Confucianism ( Lee , 1991 ; Tu , 1985 ) . Fairbank , an American sinologist wrote : <p> The Chinese are collective , seemingly eager to be just like one another , to work together and not separately , to conform and not deviate , and to get their satisfaction from the approval of the group and constituted authority rather than from realizing private ambitions or any form of self-indulgence . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ within group , not apart from it , is of course not a transient vogue but the product of many centuries of Confucian family collectivism , now redirected to serve the people ' ( Fairbanks , 1987 , p. 96 ) . <p> Moreover , Chinese people usually reprimand or at least hold a very negative attitude toward those who deviate from an ingroup ( e.g. , a family or community ) while Americans do not . Take divorce for example . American men and women " can marry as often as they are widowed or divorced , and there is no significant stigma against either " ( Hsu , 1963 , p. 193 ) . In China , the pressure from a family , from a community , and from peers ( e.g. , friends or colleagues ) is very severely put on those who will get or have gotten divorced . The divorced people are usually stigmatized . <p> Although the data here revealed that perceived group homogeneity were related to familial loyalty/commitment and stability in this cross-cultural survey , other explanations deserve discussion . One of them is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ younger than Chinese subjects . But by analysis of variance , age was not a significant mediator of our dependent measures . <p> Another interpretation is a " kernel of truth " ( Allport , 1954 ; Triandis &; Vassiliou , 1967 ) . That is , perceptions or stereotypes of a social group are based on the objective characteristics of the target group . Some social stereotypes or social perceptions may have a component of veridicality ( Funder , 1987 ; Jussim , 1991 ) . In other words , it is possibly true that Chinese may have a lower rate of divorce than Americans regardless of whether Chinese are perceived as homogeneous or not . <p> Nevertheless , we need to realize that , due to an open-door policy in recent years , the People 's Republic of China has become more and more exposed to Western cultures and ideology . As a result , the concept of the self in China today also is changing ( Chu , 1985 ) . Chinese families now are less stable than before . It was reported that the rate of divorce @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ await further research . <p> In conclusion , the results of this study suggested that perceived group homogeneity is related to the judgments of familial loyalty and stability . That is , Chinese and American college subjects perceived Chinese to have more familial loyalty and stability whereas they perceived Americans to have less familial commitment and stability . These data may be due to different cultural ideologies . Also , as Mainland China changes , its family structure and stability will change . <p> 
##4001477 Letter series and number series tests , consisting of items based on identical rules , were administered in a counterbalanced design to 320 ( 160 female and 160 male ) undergraduates in order to investigate the gender differences in inductive reasoning ability measured by letter and number series tests . Results indicated that female college students obtained significantly higher ( p < .05 ) means on letter series tests , but showed no such superiority on number series . <p> Gender differences in biosocial and behavioral attributes constitute a lively area of scientific debate and research . Some reviews of research ( Maccoby &; Jacklin , 1974 ; Maccoby , 1990 ) seemed to indicate some replicable gender differences in performance on tests of mathematical and spatial abilities , but other aspects of intellect seemed to be equal in the two genders . Other reviewers ( Hyde , Fennema &; Lamon , 1990 ) concluded that gender differences in mathematics performance were small and favored females in samples of the general population . Girls showed a slight superiority in computation at or below the middle school level , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ college on complex problem-solving tasks . Also , the magnitude of the differences in mathematics performance in favor of men has declined over the years ; studies published since 1974 have shown difference only about half as large as that indicated by studies published in 1973 or earlier . <p> A number of problem-solving tasks ( e.g. , probability concepts or probability learning tasks , matrix items , and letter series or number series items ) involve cognitive processes that are common to the traditional psychometric instruments , sequential information processing tasks , and mathematical problem solving . Letter or number series items are considered a measure of inductive reasoning ability ( Thurstone , 1938 ) and a convenient vehicle for illustrating a theory for the acquisition of rules for sequential patterns ( Simon &; Kotovsky , 1963 ) . Letter or number series items involve mathematical operations whose frequency and complexity can be manipulated to construct very difficult sequential patterns or problem-solving tasks ( Butterfield , Nielsen , Tangen &; Richardson , 1985 ; Quereshi , 1960 ; Quereshi &; Fisher , 1977 ) . <p> It seems that items @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , offer unusual opportunities for investigating certain theoretical and practical problems in both cognitive psychology and psychometrics . Although letter or number series tests have been used in a number of well-known group ability batteries such as Primary Mental Abilities ( PMA ) ( Thurstone , 1938 ) , studies comparing female with male samples on letter or number series tests have not been reported in the PMA technical reports or any other relevant published source . <p> If there are no gender differences in performance on letter or number series items , we have available a universe of gender fair items for measuring inductive reasoning . In addition , a theory for the acquisition of rules for sequential patterns can be considered applicable to all regardless of their gender . We therefore attempted to investigate the gender differences in performance on letter series and number series tests in college undergraduates . We hypothesized that college women and college men would have equal means on letter series as well as number series tests . METHOD Subjects <p> Three hundred twenty undergraduates ( 160 women and 160 men ) from an introductory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the study in exchange for some extra points toward their course grades . Chronologically , they were between 18 and 25 years and , ethnically , 97% were white and 3% were Asian American . Material <p> The Michill General Ability Test ( MOAT ) ( Quereshi , 1960 ) is a standardized test that has two forms ( LA and LB ) , each consisting of 44 letter series items . The two forms have parallel-form reliability of about .80 and concurrent validity ( correlation with Wechsler full-scale IQ ) of about .60 in samples of over 100 ( Erstad , 1988 Quereshi &; Fisher , 1977 ; Quereshi &; Ostrowski , 1985 ) . With the letter series items in MGAT forms LA and LB as the guides , we constructed two new forms NA and NB , each consisting of 44 number series items , such that each item in NA or NB was identical to a corresponding item in LA or LB in both composition and rule except that it employed two-digit numbers as the constituent units . Procedure <p> All 320 persons ( 160 women and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( 40 women and 40 men ) each but each person was assigned to a given group on a random basis . Group 1 ( n = 80 ) first completed the letter series form A ( LA ) and then the number series form A ( NA ) ; group 2 ( n = 80 ) first completed the NA and then LA form ; group 3 ( r ' = 80 ) first completed the letter series form B ( LB ) and then the number series form B ( NB ) ; and group 4 ( n = 80 ) first completed the NB and then the LB form . The tests were administered in a counter-balanced order during a single 2-fur session under essentially power conditions . Each 44-item test was accompanied by five practice problems and the following instructions : <p> Each problem in this test is arranged according to a certain rule of its own . You are to discover the rule and then provide the last letter/number in the row . See that there is a dot ( . ) at the end of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ row that you have to find out . Write this letter/number clearly in the space provided for answers . Data Analysis <p> Because we wanted to investigate the differences between the two genders on letter series and number series separately , the data were subjected to a 2 x 2 multivariate analysis of variance ( MANOVA ) , with gender and forms as the two independent variables of two categories each and the letter series and number series as the two dependent variables . RESULTS AND DISCUSSION <p> The MANOVA results are given in Table 1 . Although the multiple Fs are significant ( . p < .05 ) for both main effects ( gender and form ) , our major concern is the gender main effect as exhibited by either of the dependent variables ( letter series and number series ) . The univariate F ratios for the gender main effect show that the differences between the two genders are significant beyond the .05 level on the letter series tests but not on the number series . Examination of the means for the two genders indicates that the letter series @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ men . <p> Because the interaction is not significant , the interpretation of the gender main effect is quite straightforward . We have found that , in our sample of college undergraduates , women have obtained significantly ( p < .05 ) higher scores on inductive reasoning as measured by letter series items , but no such difference exists on the number series tests . <p> Maccoby and Jacklin ( 1974 ) , after reviewing research dealing with gender differences on inductive/deductive reasoning , reached the following conclusions : <p> We have been unable to locate studies made since 1966 in which standardized reasoning tests have been given to subjects of high school age or older . The evidence from earlier work is that sexes do not differ on such measures as the reasoning subtest of the Primary Mental Abilities test . The two studies with this age group . . . show an advantage for females , but taking these studies in combination with earlier work , the overall picture remains one of little or no sex differences . ( pp. 108-110 ) <p> There are , however , two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prior to 1966 , no studies could be located in which female adolescents or young adults were compared with male adolescents or young adults on PMA . Second , the PMA technical reports never presented either any data by gender or demonstrated the nonexistence of gender differences on reasoning or any other abilities measured by the PMA . <p> Even a more recent and comprehensive review ( Hyde , Fennema &; Eamon , 1990 ) does not provide any directly relevant information regarding the gender differences on cognitive tasks involving sequential patterns because letter/number series items are usually a part of tests of intelligence rather than tests of mathematical performance reviewed by Hyde et al . On the other hand , solutions of sequential problems may be conceptually similar to some tasks in mathematical problem solving and , thus , we could compare our results with some of those presented by Hyde et al . ( 1990 ) : <p> There was in the area of mathematical problem solving a slight female superiority or no gender difference in the elementary and middle school groups ; however , a moderate gender difference @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ groups . ( p. 148 ) <p> In contrast , our results seem to indicate female superiority in sequential problem solving , using letter series items , even at the college level . In addition , we found no gender difference in sequential problem solving involving number series items in our sample of college students . <p> Halpern ( 1992 ) asserts that , " Evidence from a variety of sources supports the finding that , on the average , females have better verbal abilities than males " ( p. 64 ) . Our finding might be interpreted to indicate that female college students ' superiority on verbal skills may be generalizable to other processes ( e.g. , reasoning ) if they are tested by sequential semantic units . This should be an important finding if it is corroborated by further research , especially that involving different cultural and ethnic groups . In any case , any such differences mainly reflect the impact of cultural and social beliefs and practices at a given point in time , in the history of a given society , and require no elaborate explanation rooted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : March 1 , 1993 . Correspondence should be addressed to : M.Y . Quereshi , Dept. of Psychology , Marquette University , 517 North 14th St. , Milwaukee , W1 53233 . PREFORMATTED TABLE <p> 
##4001478 This paper reports on the development of an Inventory of Managing Skills designed to provide working MBA students with a current assessment of their managing skills . A canonical correlation matrix reporting interrelationships between the 20 scale dimensions in a pilot sample of 378 respondents is reported . The Inventory can be used for self assessment by students and for other-assessment by the student 's superiors and peers . BACKGROUND <p> This paper reports on the development of an Inventory of Managing Skills ( IMS ) designed for use by working graduate students as an aid in forming an assessment of their current levels of management skills . Such an assessment could be helpful in tailoring short and long term career plans . <p> The need for a tool of this type arises from the increasing interest of graduate business faculties in providing students with opportunities to enhance individual management skills , such as decision-making , supervising , leadership , and communication . The American Assembly of Collegiate Schools of Business ( 1984,1989 ) provided a stimulus in 1976 when the " Outcome Measurement Project " was initiated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ along two dimensions : cognitive knowledge and personal management skills . With respect to the skills enhancement objective , Smith and Mortenson ( 1988 ) undertook the development of specific course experiences aimed at helping students assess their current levels of management skills , plan developmental activities that respond to individual needs , and engage in skill development exercises on an in-class basis . <p> Procedures and methods generally employed for management skills assessment include assessment centers , situational tests , and paper-and-pencil inventories which use the self-assessments of the subject and/or assessments of the subject by others ; these may be used in combination to enhance process reliability . Since there are no commercially available management skills assessment inventories suitable for self or other assessment use with graduate students who are working adults , it was decided to develop an appropriate instrument . <p> The primary purpose of such a skills assessment inventory would be to provide the student with information on his/her current level of skill in each of several relevant management skills dimensions , supplementing assessment and evaluation information from other sources . Data from student skills inventories @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other important respects : as a program evaluation device and as input to curriculum development deliberations . METHOD <p> To be useful for these purposes , a skills inventory should meet several design criteria . It should ( a ) tap several dimensions of behavior/skills that are relevant to supervisory and management jobs across multiple levels of responsibility , ( b ) measure such dimensions with acceptable reliability , and ( c ) present the self-assessor and other-assessors with an uncomplicated response task , perhaps requiring no more than about one hour to complete . <p> Dimensions and Items . An initial inventory design decision was made to present the respondent with a large number of specific behavioral items which relate to several broad dimensions of supervisor/management job performance . A variation on typical job analysis procedures was used to identify both the set of dimensions to be built into the inventory and the component items . <p> First , a review of the literature on supervisory or managerial behaviors , skills , and other personal characteristics was conducted , focusing on those elements that relate to successful job performance . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conducted involving groups of management and business school faculty , engineering school faculty , human resource management ( HRM ) administrators and executives , staff , operating and engineering supervisors/managers , and human resource development experts . Finally , the investigator drew on personal observations and judgments formed over an extensive career in HRM staff and technical management positions . <p> In each inquiry , the primary concern was to identify those supervisor/manager job behaviors , skills , and other attributes that characterize the performance of successful managers across several levels of responsibility . Based on these inputs , judgments were made identifying 20 dimensions of managing skills , involving 115 inventory items , for inclusion in the research draft of the Inventory of Managing Skills ( IMS ) . <p> Importance Analysis . As a further check on the relevance of the items selected for inclusion in the research draft of the IMS document , a special inventory form was prepared to obtain the item importance judgments of graduates of the University of Michigan-Dearborn MBA and Master of Engineering programs . A copy of the special inventory was mailed to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; persons receiving master 's degrees between 1960 and 1989 were included . <p> The special inventory contained the same set of 115 items used in the student-peer-supervisor IMS documents , with appropriate modifications . Subjects were asked the question " How important is each of these items to successful performance on jobs like yours ? " Responses were made using the following five-point scale : PREFORMATTED TABLE <p> A personal data section was included in this inventory , asking for advanced and undergraduate degree fields and dates , and current job assignment . Returns were received from 61 MBA graduates and 93 Master of Engineering graduates . The response rate was approximately 49% . Assessment Task <p> The 115 items were randomly sequenced within the IMS . Two inventory formats were developed : A student self-assessment format on which the respondent recorded her/his responses to inventory items , and an other-assessment format on which the student 's work supervisor ( or a work peer ) could assess the student . Students distributed the other-assessment documents to their supervisors and to peers of their own choice ; each inventory packet contained @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , preprinted envelope in which the supervisor or peer could mail the completed form directly to the investigator . <p> In the self-assessment format , the student was asked to read each item and assess his/her level of skill in the designated area by recording a candid judgment using one of the following five rating categories : PREFORMATTED TABLE <p> This rating scale format was used on the inventory forms given to peers and supervisors with appropriate modifications of personal pronouns and verbs . Similarly , item wordings were adjusted slightly in the different formats to use appropriate language . <p> Each inventory form carried the student-subject 's name . A short personal data section was included at the end of each form of the inventory . The self-assessment form asked for job level and type and undergraduate degree . Peer and supervisory raters were asked to indicate the number of months ' work experience they had with the student . <p> A total of 156 graduate business students submitted self-assessment inventories , representing about 80% of the students who were offered the opportunity to participate . Responses were also received @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; none of these raters indicated less than five months ' experience with the ratee , and all were included in the data set . RESULTS <p> Dimensions and Items . Item-dimension relationships and dimension scale reliabilities were analyzed in a two-staged process , combining the responses of students , peers and supervisors ( Nunnally , 1978 ) . <p> First , product-moment correlations were calculated between each item and each a priori dimension scale score . Any item that exhibited its highest correlation with the dimension to which it had been assigned on an a priori basis was retained ; eight items were removed from the IMS on this criterion . Next , the impact of each item on dimension reliability was assessed . Alpha values were calculated for each dimension , including and excluding each component item ; any item that did not add to its dimension alpha coefficient was dropped ; four items were removed on this criterion . The final dimension alpha values were judged to be acceptable and are shown in Table 1 , along with a listing of the final IMS dimensions and the number @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the IMS document was reduced in length from 115 items to 103 items . <p> A matrix of interdimension correlation coefficients is presented in Table 2 . <p> Graduates ' Importance Ratings . The item importance responses provided by the 152 MBA and Master of Engineering graduates were tabulated and averaged ; dimension scores for each respondent were calculated . <p> Two item-screening criteria were utilized . To be included in the final IMS item set , each item must achieve an average rating of at least 3.00 across the total sample , with a rating range which included one or more 5-ratings ( Critically Important ) . All items met these conditions . <p> The relatively small samples of business and engineering graduates precluded detailed cross-tabulation analysis , a cooperative research project is under way to obtain a larger graduate data pool . It might be of interest , however , to review the rank order of dimensions as determined from average dimension importance scores calculated across the entire sample ; that rank order is shown in the dimension lists in Tables 1 and 3 . Problem Solving and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , etc . DISCUSSION <p> Through the processes described here , an Inventory of Managing Skills was developed for use as a tool for self-assessment and other-assessment of working graduate students in business and engineering . Scale reliabilities are acceptable , and the inventory 's content validity characteristics are enhanced both by the process used in identifying items/dimensions and by the ratings of graduates whose present jobs are said to involve the items included in the IMS . Interdimension correlations are high , particularly among the " soft skills " areas , such as leadership , group interaction , and interpersonal effectiveness , probably due to the fundamentally positive interrelationships between these types of skills among effective supervisors and managers . <p> Informal contacts with respondent students and graduates suggests that the IMS has face validity . Inventory completion times of 45-65 minutes were reported . <p> The Inventory of Management Skills is intended to be used in combination with other assessment processes , such as situational tests and assessment center techniques . To the extent that additional measures are available on those skill dimensions considered to be among the more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . There is value to self-assessment , together with assessments by work associates ; the impact is multiplied when supplemented by other sources of evaluation . The principal PREFORMATTED TABLE <p> ROBERT A. BOLDA The University of Michigan-Dearborn <p> 
##4001568 Listen , humans , this is our world . For hundreds of millions of years we have been evolving our ways , rich in our own wisdom . Now our days are coming to a close because of what you are doing . It is time for you to hear us . <p> I am lichen . I turn rock into soil . I 've worked as the glaciers retreated , as other life-forms came and went . I thought nothing could stop me ... until now . Now I am being poisoned by acid rain . <p> Your pesticides are in me now . The eggshells are so fragile they break under my weight , break before my young are ready to hatch . <p> Listen , humans . I am raccoon , I speak for the raccoon people . See my hand ? It is like yours . On soft ground you see its imprint , know I 've been there . What marks on this world are you leaving behind you ? <p> The people seated in a circle are speaking extemporaneously . Stepping aside @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be spokespersons for other life-forms . They are meeting in the Council of All Beings , a central part of the workshop they attend . These men , women , and young people have gathered in this workshop to share concerns for their planet . They have met to tell the truth about what they see happening to their world , and to move beyond despair . <p> They are aware , as most of us are on some level of our consciousness , that our life support system is being destroyed . As the workshop began , they spoke out about developments that are familiar to us all , though they usually seem too vast , too pervasive to address . They spoke of poisons exuding from toxic waste dumps ... the pollution of air , water , soil ... extinction of plant and animal species ... deforestation ... spreading deserts ... the suffering in animal laboratories and farm factories ... chemical additives in food and drink ... friends and relatives dying from spreading epidemics of cancer . <p> The ecological crisis these developments produce does not stand apart from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ common thread weaving through issues of the arms race and human oppression . Just as concentrations of wealth push the poor onto marginal , easily erodable lands , so does the drive for profit demolish our oxygen-producing forests and put carcinogenic pesticides and preservatives into our food . And so does manufacture of weapons threaten us with the radioactive horrors of our own Chernobyl disaster . The four Defense Department reactors are of similar design to the Soviet one that burned out of control ( with graphite and no containment domes ) , the only difference being that ours are older and more decrepit . Yet they are kept in operation to produce plutonium for the 17,000 additional missiles that the Reagan administration wants to build . Our addictions to profit and power , and to the lifestyles they sustain , turn the world toxic . <p> These addictions culminate in an ecological crisis that is the ultimate expression of a human mistake . It is a mistake about our place in the order of things , the delusion that we can -- as corporations or as nations or as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that we are put here to rule , aloo ! from the rest of creation . It is the fantasy that we can be immune to what we do to other beings . It is the denial of our deep systemic interdependence . <p> Fortunately , another perspective is emerging as a healing corrective . Ecology teaches us that we humans are neither the rulers nor the center of the universe , but are imbedded in a vast living matrix and subject to its laws of reciprocity . " Deep ecology " is a term coined by Norwegian philosopher Arne Naess , to contrast with " shallow environmentalism , " a band-aid approach applying piecemeal technological fixes for short-term human goals . Deep ecology represents a basic shift in ways of seeing and valuing , a shift beyond anthropocentrism . <p> Anthropocentrism means human chauvinism . Similar to sexism. but substitute human race for man and all other species for woman . <p> When humans investigate and see through their layers of anthropocentric self-cherishing , a most profound change in consciousness begins to take place . Alienation subsides . The human @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a relief then ! The thousands of years of imagined separation are over and we begin to recall our true nature . That is. the change is a spiritual one ... sometimes referred to as deep ecology . -- John Seed <p> <p> There are , of course , manifold ways of evoking or provoking this change in perspective . Methods for inspiring the experience of deep ecology range from prayer to poetry , from wilderness vision quests to the induction of altered states of consciousness . The most reliable , perhaps , is direct action in defense of Earth . <p> In deep ecology workshops there are three genetic approaches that I have found especially suitable for groups . They consist of mourning , then remembering , then speaking from the perspective of other life-forms . <p> Deep ecology remains a concept without the power to transform our awareness , unless we allow ourselves no feel -- which means feeling the pain within us over what is happening to our world . The workshop serves as a safe place where this pain can be acknowledged , plumbed , released . @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what is slipping away -- ancient forests and clean rivers , birdsong , and breathable air . It is appropriate , then , to mourn -- for once at least , to speak our sorrow and , when appropriate , to say goodbye to what is disappearing from our lives . As participants let this happen , in the whole group or in small dusters , there is hopelessness expressed . There is also something more : a rage welling up and passionate caring . <p> Only if one loves this earth with unbending passion can one release one 's sadness . -- Don Juan in Carlos Castaneda 's Tales of Power <p> <p> Our interconnectedness emerges as the ground of this anger and grief . Why else do we weep for other beings and those not yet born ? There 's no cause for so great a sadness if at root we are not one . Deep ecology serves as the explanatory principle both for the pain we experience on behalf of our planet and its beings and for the sense of belonging that arises when we stop repressing that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ <p> As organic expressions of life on earth , we have a long and panoramic history . We are not yesterday 's children , nor are we limited to this one brief moment of our planet 's story ; our roots go back to the beginning of time . We can learn to remember them . The knowledge is in us . As in our mothers ' wombs our embryonic bodies recapitulated the evolution of cellular life on earth , so we can now do it consciously , harnessing intellect and the power of imagination . We can reclaim our history in order to know afresh our deep ecology . <p> As your memory improves , as the implications of evolution and ecology are internalized and replace outmoded anthropocentric structures in your mind , there is an identification with all life . Then follows the realization that the distinction between life and lifeless is a human construct . Every atom in this body existed before organic life emerged ... Remember our childhood as minerals , as lava , as rocks ? <p> Rocks contain the potentiality to weave themselves into such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Why do we look down upon them with such a condescending air . It is they that are the immortal part of us. -- John Seed <p> <p> Certain methods help trigger this remembering . Guided visualizations can take us through our four and a half billion year story , making it present and vivid . One form this can take is the Gala Meditation I adapted from letters from John Seed , who is a member of Interhelp Australia and director of the Rainforest Information Center . Sometimes we use a drum to sound a heartbeat , suggesting our connection with the pulse of life in all beings through time . <p> Our evolutionary journey can also be explored through body movement . Nosing , crawling , wriggling , pushing up , we can begin literally to feel the inner body sense of amphibian and reptile and lower mammal , because these earlier stages of our life are imbedded in our neurological system . John Seed and his colleagues in Interhelp Australia accord a lot of time to this exercise , allowing participants to move through many previous evolutionary forms @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ What was striking , " reported one , " was that modern human was the most disconcerting to me . " <p> It is to be noted in this connection that nonhuman memories can surface with particular intensity and authenticity when consciousness is altered by special accelerated patterns of breathing . Stanislav and Christina Grof developed what they call holotropic breathing to permit subjects to recapture and resolve significant experiences surrounding their birth . They have found that the material that comes to light often goes beyond the biographical and even the human realm to include phylogenetic sequences and episodes of conscious identification with other species and life forms . These are so real as to produce remarkable insights into specificities of animal behavior , botanical processes , and even inorganic interactions of inanimate matter . A version of this breathwork has been used to similar effect in the Eco-Breath workshops held in Australia . <p> This we know . The earth does not belong to man ; man belongs to the earth . Whatever befalls the earth befalls the sons of earth . This we know . All things are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ things are connected . -- Chief Seattle <p> <p> Ordinary . consciousness is certainly sufficient to allow us to shake off for a while our solely human identification and imaginatively to enter the experience of other life-forms . It is as satisfying to do this as to resurrect a half-forgotten skill or sing , after years , a once familiar song . The workshop helps us feel our way . We choose -- or , as I prefer to put it , let ourselves be chosen by -- another life-form . We give it our attention , we give it our voice , we practice speaking for it in small groups where others , listening , can elicit from us more . We play tapes of environmental sounds , sometimes let hoots and howls , wind and water noises , come through our throats , hearken to inner intuitions , stretch to see and feel what lies just barely beyond our human knowings . <p> The Council of All Beings is the culminating ritual form , in which participants formally speak on behalf of these other beings . Because it is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ changing and always different . It originated in Australia in early 1985 , after a Despair and Empowerment workshop that included environmental activists . These " rainbow warriors " had done direct action on behalf of Earth , interposing their bodies to stop French nuclear testing in the South Pacific and to protect the remaining stands of rainforest in New South Wales and Queensland . John Seed was one of them , and the Council of All Beings resulted from our encounter . <p> It is not all that strange to imagine ourselves in nonhuman forms and draw fresh vision from them . Poets and children do it , shamans and primal people know that gift . The Lord Buddha himself , it is believed , developed his perfection of compassion through numerous animal incarnations ; the Jataka at " birth " tales of his lives in such forms as rabbit , monkey , tiger , elephant , serve still as models of bravery and selflessness . The interconnectedness -- or , more precisely , the interexistence -- of all beings is expressed in the Buddhist vision of reality known as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ node of the net , each being like a gem reflects all the others , as those for their part mirror back all the rest , the reflections catching back and forth . <p> Today explorations into quantum physics , systems theory , holography and morphogenetic fields offer similar perspectives on the structure of the universe . The many transbiographical and trans-species experiences occuring throughout his years of psychophysical work with people have led Dr. Graf to conclude that : <p> In a yet unexplained way each human being contains the information about the entire universe or all of existence , has potential experiential access to all its parts , and in a sense is the whole cosmic network , as much as he or she is just an infinitesimal of it , a separate and insignificant biological entity . <p> It follows then that deep ecology can empower us . As we open to the radical interrelatedness of all that is , fresh vision and vigor can be gained for our work in the world . Actions on behalf of Earth are strengthened , less limited by self-doubt , self-interest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ " I am protecting the rainforest " develops to " I am part of the rainforest protecting myself . " And it is good that that is so , for the crises we confront in this planet-time demand more of us than business-as-usual . They require depths of wisdom and courage that appear to exceed our individual resources . Yet these become available to us , as we break free of the prison cell of isolated human ego and open to our deep ecology . <p> In religious language and experience , the sense of being sustained by a source beyond our self , by a power that is not our own possession , is known as grace . In this time of almost overwhelming peril , grace comes -- as indeed it always has -- in many forms . One of them is the Council of All Beings when , near the end , a shift occurs . <p> A voice -- the ritual leader 's -- speaks on behalf of the humans , those who at any point are sitting silent in the center of the circle , listening @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fellow-creatures . We know we are wrecking the world and we are afraid . What we have unleashed has such momentum now , we do n't know how to turn it around . Do n't leave us alone , we need your help . You need us too for your own survival . Are there powers you can share with us ? <p> Without any other announcement , this plea signals a turning . The beings in the circle respond spontaneously , <p> I , lichen , work slowly , very slowly . Time is my friend . This is what I give you : patience for the long haul and perseverance . <p> By offering them , naming them , the participants in the ritual invoke the powers within themselves that they want strengthened . These powers are available to us all because they inhere in the web of life and because , in the final analysis , that web is what we are . By virtue of the long planetary journey we have made , and the processes still at work within us , that deep ecology is our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it now in this time of danger . <p> It is a dark time . As deep-diving trout I offer you my fearlessness of the dark . <p> I , lion , give you my roar , the voice to , speak out and be heard . <p> I am caterpillar . The leaves I eat taste bitter now . But dimly I sense a great change coming . What I offer you , humans , is my willingness to dissolve and transform . I do that without knowing what the end-result will be ; so I share with you my courage too . <p> 